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Scottish Social Attitudes Survey 2007: Something to be ashamed of or part of our way of life? Attitudes towards alcohol in Scotland

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CHAPTER TWO: PERCEPTIONS OF THE ROLE OF ALCOHOL IN SCOTTISH CULTURE

Introduction

2.1 As discussed in Chapter 1, policy makers increasingly recognise that in order to reduce the harm caused by the misuse of alcohol, it is not enough to simply raise awareness of the negative consequences of excessive consumption, or even to provide services for 'problem drinkers'. Rather, it is argued that cultural change is required, to achieve a shift in prevailing attitudes, beliefs and values around the role of alcohol in Scottish society. A key aim of this research was to provide a detailed account of attitudes and beliefs about alcohol in Scotland in 2007 as a baseline against which future progress in changing these attitudes can be measured. The survey asked a wide range of questions which attempted to tap cultural values and beliefs about alcohol in Scotland. Key questions addressed in this chapter include:

Key questions

  • To what extent do people believe there is a distinctive Scottish 'drinking culture'?
  • How problematic is alcohol perceived to be relative to other drugs?
  • Is alcohol misuse seen as a shared problem or simply a problem for individuals?
  • How widespread is the belief that alcohol is a 'social lubricant'?

The social context of drinking in Scotland

2.2 Although the main focus of the SSA module was on attitudes to drinking alcohol, the survey also included a few questions about respondent's own drinking behaviour, including:

  • frequency of drinking
  • where people drink
  • who people drink with

2.3 These questions were primarily included to facilitate analysis of attitudes to drinking by respondents own behaviour. They are not intended to provide detailed information about consumption levels or drinking patterns in Scotland, data on which is already available from other sources. 8 However, findings from these questions are still useful in illustrating the social context of drinking in Scotland and are thus summarised briefly here.

Frequency of drinking

2.4 While frequency of drinking may not be as important in terms of health impacts as volume consumed, it was not considered appropriate to ask more detailed questions about consumption in the context of a general attitude survey. However, data on frequency of drinking does provide a useful measure for exploring variations in attitudes to alcohol later in this report. For example, are those who drink more often more permissive in their attitudes towards alcohol than those who do not drink, or do so only rarely?

2.5 Around 1 in 10 (12%) of our sample said they never drink alcohol (Figure 2.1). The 2003 Scottish Health Survey found similar levels of abstinence, with 8% of men and 13% of women saying they did not drink at all (Bromley et al (eds)). In SSA 2007, men report drinking more often than women - 27% of men, compared with 16% of women, say they drink 3 or 4 times a week or more, while 42% of women compared with 24% of men drink just once or twice a month or less (Figure 2.1).

Figure 2.1 Frequency of drinking alcohol by sex (%)

Figure 2.1 Frequency of drinking alcohol by sex (%)

Base: All respondents
Sample size: Men = 645, Women = 863, All = 1,508

2.6 Younger people tend to drink less often than older people, with just 12% of 18-29 year-olds drinking on 3 or 4 days a week or more, compared with 26% of 40-64 year-olds. However, the fact that older age groups tend to drink more frequently than 18-29 year-olds does not necessarily mean they drink more units over the course of a week - they may simply be spreading their units across more days, while younger people drink more on fewer occasions. In fact, as discussed above (para 1.5), younger people are more likely than older people to have drunk double the daily recommended limit on their heaviest drinking day in the last week.

2.7 Similarly, patterns of frequency of drinking by area deprivation do not necessarily reflect patterns in terms of volume of alcohol consumed. The 2007 SSA shows that those in the most affluent areas of Scotland are more likely than those in deprived areas to drink frequently - 29% of those in the least deprived areas drink on at least 3 or 4 days a week, compared with just 17% of those in the most deprived areas. 9 However, as discussed above (para 1.4), the 2003 Scottish Health Survey showed that men in the most deprived areas are more likely to exceed daily limits. Moreover, as noted above there is a strong relationship between deprivation and alcohol-related ill-health, with those in the most deprived areas of Scotland much more likely to die from the effects of alcohol misuse.

Where people drink and who they drink with

2.8 A large proportion of drinking in Scotland occurs in the home, rather than in pubs and clubs. This is reflected in SSA 2007 findings on the locations people usually drink in - the most common response is 'at my home' (68% - Table 2.1). Again, this is very close to findings from the 2003 Scottish Health Survey 10, as is the finding that younger people are the only group for whom the home is not the most common drinking location. Sixty-seven per cent of the 18-29 age group say they usually drink in a pub or bar, compared with just 13% of those aged 65 plus.

Table 2.1 Where people usually drink by age (% of respondents who ever drink)

18-29

30-39

40-64

65+

All

%

%

%

%

%

In a pub or bar

67

49

35

13

40

In a restaurant

24

30

37

31

32

In a club or disco

25

5

2

11

8

At a party with friends

30

19

16

12

19

At my home

52

67

75

67

68

At someone else's home

35

27

26

21

27

Out on the street, in a park or other outdoor area

*

1

*

0

*

Sample size

165

238

642

281

1328

Note to table: Respondents were allowed to give multiple answers to this question, hence columns do not total to 100.

2.9 Drinking companions also vary with age. Younger people most commonly drink with groups of friends of both sexes (72% of 18-29 year-olds), while those in the middle age groups (aged 30 to 64) are most likely to drink with their partners (71% of 30-39 year-olds and 69% of 40-64 year-olds). Those aged 65 and over are more likely than younger people to say they usually drink alone (11%). Again, these patterns broadly reflect findings on the social context of drinking in the 2003 Scottish Health Survey. 11

Table 2.2 Who people usually drink with by age (% of respondents who ever drink)

18-29

30-39

40-64

65+

All

%

%

%

%

%

My boyfriend/ girlfriend/ partner/ husband/ wife

52

71

69

49

63

Male and female friends together

72

52

44

27

48

Just male friend(s)

11

16

14

11

13

Just female friend(s)

17

14

14

13

15

My parents (or step parents)

23

15

6

1

10

My brother, sister or other relative

20

16

24

23

21

Someone else

-

1

2

1

1

Drink alone

-

6

4

11

5

Sample size

165

238

642

281

1328

Note to table: Respondents were asked first whether they usually drink on their own or with someone else, then who they usually drink with. They were allowed to give multiple answers to this second question, hence columns do not total to 100.

A Scottish drinking culture?

2.10 A key question for those who wish to change the culture around alcohol in Scotland is whether people in Scotland actually recognise the idea that there is a 'Scottish drinking culture'. The answer would appear to be yes - two thirds (67%) of people agree that 'Drinking is a major part of the Scottish way of life' (Figure 2.2). If anything, this view appears to have become more entrenched in recent years, with the proportion of people who 'strongly agree' with this statement increasing from 8% in 2004 to 16% in 2007.

Figure 2.2 'Drinking is a major part of the Scottish way of life', 2004 & 2007 (%)

Figure 2.2 ′Drinking is a major part of the Scottish way of life′, 2004 & 2007 (%)

Base: all who completed a self-completion questionnaire 12
Sample size: 2004 = 1,514, 2007 = 1,312

2.11 However, it could be argued that there is nothing unique or distinctive about Scotland's drinking culture. Alcohol plays a significant role in many other societies, and it is not uncommon for the media and politicians to talk about a ' UK drinking culture' or even a 'Northern European drinking culture'. In fact, the survey suggests that while there is a consensus that drinking plays a major role in Scottish life, it is less clear that people believe its 'drinking culture' marks Scotland out from the rest of the UK. While around a quarter (26%) agree that 'adults in other parts of the UK tend to drink alcohol more sensibly than adults in Scotland', close to half (47% 13) disagree (Figure 2.3). This contrasts with findings from a similar question in the 2004 SSA which asked people to compare drinkers in Scotland with drinkers in other parts of Europe. Two thirds (65%) agreed that adults in other parts of Europe drink more sensibly than adults in Scotland. Taken together, these findings suggest that while many people do not see Scotland's 'drinking culture' as more problematic than that in the rest of the UK, there is a general recognition that other European countries may have a more sensible approach to alcohol.

Figure 2.3 Agreement with statements comparing adult drinkers in Scotland with those in the rest of the UK (2007) and other parts of Europe (2004) (%)

Figure 2.3 Agreement with statements comparing adult drinkers in Scotland with those in the rest of the UK (2007) and other parts of Europe (2004) (%)

Base: all who completed a self-completion questionnaire
Sample size: 2004 = 1,514, 2007 = 1,312

Does Scotland have a drink problem?

2.12 Although drinking is seen as a 'major part of the Scottish way of life', this does not in itself tell us whether or not people view Scotland's 'drinking culture' as problematic. Alcohol can play an important part in social occasions and can form an enjoyable part of a healthy lifestyle. Perhaps people view its role in Scottish life along these lines.

2.13 The fact that many people compare drinking behaviour in Scotland unfavourably with that in other European countries provides some evidence that this may not be the case. Further evidence is provided by the fact that, when asked to choose from a list of legal and illegal drugs, 51% of people say alcohol is the drug that causes most problems for Scotland - far higher than the proportion choosing the next most common answer, heroin (22%) (Table 2.3). Just 3% of people choose alcohol as the drug that causes the least problems for Scotland as a whole, compared with 32% who choose cannabis, 25% who choose tobacco and 11% who choose ecstasy. The proportion who considered alcohol to be the drug that causes most problems for Scotland was slightly higher in 2007 compared with 2004 - up from 46% to 51%. Thus alcohol is clearly seen as something that causes problems for Scottish society.

Table 2.3 Which drug causes the most and least problems for Scotland as a whole? 2007 (%)

Most

Least

%

%

Alcohol

51

3

Heroin

22

1

Tobacco

9

25

Crack cocaine

4

4

Cannabis

3

32

Cocaine

3

2

Ecstasy

2

11

(All equally harmful/not harmful)

4

10

(None of these)

-

1

(Don't know)

4

10

Sample size

1508

1508

2.14 Further, nearly half (48%) think that the amount of alcohol people in Scotland drink is something everyone in Scotland should be ashamed of (Figure 2.4), while a further 28% are ambivalent, saying they 'neither agree nor disagree with this statement'. Thus the role that alcohol currently plays in Scottish culture is clearly not viewed as wholly benign.

Figure 2.4 'The amount of alcohol people in Scotland drink is something we should all be ashamed of' 2007 (%)

Figure 2.4 ′The amount of alcohol people in Scotland drink is something we should all be ashamed of′ 2007 (%)

Base: all who completed a self-completion questionnaire
Sample size = 1,312

A shared problem?

2.15 Recent government campaigns to encourage sensible drinking have taken a two-pronged approach of both encouraging people to take individual responsibility for their behaviour, but also to recognise that peer pressure can be a key factor in influencing people to drink too much. 14 A key issue for those attempting to change attitudes is therefore the extent to which the public views alcohol misuse as a shared problem, rather than simply an issue for the individual concerned. In fact, the 2007 survey suggests that many people think individuals with drink problems 'have only themselves to blame' - 47% of people agreed with this statement in 2007, compared with just 31% who disagreed (Figure 2.5). Views even appear to have hardened since 2004, with an increase in the proportion agreeing that those with drink problems have only themselves to blame from 34% to 47%. Thus while alcohol may be viewed as causing problems for Scotland as a whole, it is less clear that people think wider society shares some of the responsibility when individuals develop problems with drink.

Figure 2.5 'Most people with serious drinking problems have only themselves to blame' (2004 & 2007) (%)

Figure 2.5 ′Most people with serious drinking problems have only themselves to blame′ (2004 & 2007) (%)

Base: all who completed a self-completion questionnaire
Sample size: 2004 = 1,514, 2007 = 1,312

2.16 However, people do appear more willing to share some responsibility for the behaviour of individuals known to them. Over half (53%) agree or strongly agree that they would feel partly responsible if a friend they were with 'got drunk and ended up in trouble', although a significant minority (28%) disagree (Figure 2.6). Thus messages that encourage people to take responsibility for their peers on occasions involving alcohol do appear to have some resonance with the public. 15

Figure 2.6 'I would feel partly responsible if a friend I was with got drunk and ended up in trouble' (2007) (%)

Figure 2.6 ′I would feel partly responsible if a friend I was with got drunk and ended up in trouble′ (2007) (%)

Base: all who completed a self-completion questionnaire
Sample size = 1,312

2.17 Another way of considering whether people view alcohol misuse as a shared problem for Scotland or as simply a problem for individual drinkers is to compare the relative harm people believe alcohol causes society and individuals. As discussed above, alcohol topped the list of drugs people think cause the most harm to Scotland as a whole. However, it comes lower down the list of drugs people believe cause the most harm to individual frequent users - just 12% say alcohol is the drug which causes most harm, compared with 40% who say heroin and 22% who say crack cocaine (Table 2.4). Moreover, a quarter (27%) say alcohol is the drug which causes least harm to individual frequent users - along with cannabis, alcohol is the most common drug chosen as 'least harmful' to individuals. Given the high levels of recent publicity around the toll of alcohol misuse on health, in one sense this finding might appear surprising. However, while more people overall may die of alcohol-related ill-health than from drugs like heroin, people may reasonably believe that any given individual is more likely to suffer serious harm from use of one of the 'harder' drugs on the list. Moreover, it may be that people are distinguishing between drugs which can and cannot be used at 'safe' levels when answering this question.

Table 2.4 Drug which causes most/least problems/harm to Scotland as a whole and individual frequent users - 2007 (%)

Problems for Scotland as a whole

Harm to individual frequent users

Most

Least

Most

Least

%

%

%

%

Alcohol

51

3

12

27

Heroin

22

1

40

1

Tobacco

9

25

9

19

Crack cocaine

4

4

22

0

Cannabis

3

32

1

27

Cocaine

3

2

3

1

Ecstasy

2

11

1

2

(All equally harmful/not harmful)

4

10

8

16

(None of these)

-

1

0

2

(Don't know)

4

10

3

6

Sample size

1508

1508

1508

1508

2.18 Another issue related to whether alcohol misuse is seen as a shared or an individual problem is whether people in Scotland support price increases to encourage people to drink less. This is one possible 'shared' response to the problems caused by alcohol misuse. Those who support such a measure often point to the fact that alcohol has become much more affordable relative to average incomes in recent decades (e.g. see SHAAP, 2007). However, those opposed to blanket price increases often suggest that it is unfair to penalise responsible drinkers simply to try and control the behaviour of those who drink to excess, while others question its likely effectiveness in curbing excessive drinking. 16 Price increases have been the focus of renewed media and political attention in Scotland recently, following both an increase in taxes on alcohol in the 2008 UK budget and the publication of a 2007 report by Scottish Health Action on Alcohol Problems recommending the Scottish Government set minimum prices for alcoholic drinks to prevent below-cost drinks promotions ( SHAAP, 2007).

2.19 This is an issue which divides the public, with more opposed than in favour. While a third (33%) agree that prices should be put up to encourage people to drink less, 46% disagree (Figure 2.7). The way the question is asked does appear to make a difference to responses on this issue - opposition to increasing the price of alcohol is higher when, as in 2004, this is phrased in terms of tax. However, even when no explicit mention is made of tax increases, on balance more people are opposed to using price increases to discourage excessive alcohol consumption than support the idea.

Figure 2.7 Attitudes to alcohol tax increases (2004) and price increases (2007) (%)

Figure 2.7 Attitudes to alcohol tax increases (2004) and price increases (2007) (%)

Base: all who completed a self-completion questionnaire
Sample size: 2004 = 1,514, 2007 = 1,312

A social lubricant?

2.20 Another commonly cited aspect of the role of alcohol in Scottish culture is its function as a 'social lubricant' - as something that helps people to relax and enjoy themselves on social occasions. SSA 2007 shows that a majority of people believe it is perfectly possible to enjoy social events without alcohol - over 8 in 10 (81%) agree that 'You can enjoy a night out in the pub without drinking alcohol'. However, around 4 in 10 (39%) still believe that it is, in general, easier to enjoy such social events if you've had a drink (Figure 2.8).

Figure 2.8 Attitudes to alcohol as a 'social lubricant', 2007 (%)

Figure 2.8 Attitudes to alcohol as a ′social lubricant′, 2007 (%)

Base: all who completed a self-completion questionnaire
Sample size = 1,312

2.21 A related issue in respect of the 'social' role of alcohol is how people view (or believe others view) the decision not to drink. If not drinking is something people believe will be viewed by others as odd or strange, this could be a disincentive to avoiding alcohol on social occasions. The 2007 SSA asked three questions about perceived attitudes to non-drinking:

  • Those who did not drink alcohol at all were asked whether they agree or disagree that 'A lot of people I know think it odd that I don't drink at all'
  • Those who do currently drink alcohol were asked whether they agree or disagree that 'A lot of people I know would think it odd if I didn't drink alcohol at all'
  • Those who said they usually drank with someone else ('social drinkers') were asked whether they agree or disagree that 'If I was drinking with friends or family and someone who does drink alcohol refused an offer of a drink, I would find it a little strange'.

2.22 As figure 2.9 shows, relatively few people agree they would find it strange if someone they knew that drank refused an offer of a drink on a particular occasion - just 14% agree, compared with 74% who disagree. This suggests that there is little social stigma attached to occasional non-drinking, even in a context where others are drinking alcohol. However, 3 in 10 people (31%) believe that if they decided not to drink at all, a lot of people they know would find this odd. The experience of the teetotallers in our sample appears to suggest that this might well be the case - almost half (48%) say that other people do find their decision not to drink odd. Thus while deciding to abstain from drinking on a particular occasion may not attract significant attention, the decision to abstain permanently still appears to be viewed as somewhat odd.

Figure 2.9 Attitudes to non-drinking, 2007 (%)

Figure 2.9 Attitudes to non-drinking, 2007 (%)

Base: All respondents
Sample size: Teetotallers = 179, Current drinkers = 1328, Social drinkers = 1246

Views of the role of alcohol among different groups in Scotland

2.23 This chapter has shown that many people believe alcohol plays a significant role in Scottish culture, although there is less consensus over whether Scotland's relationship with alcohol marks it out particularly from its UK neighbours. Alcohol is widely viewed as causing problems for Scotland as a whole, and a significant proportion view the level of alcohol consumption in Scotland as 'something we should all be ashamed of'. However, while in one sense alcohol misuse is seen as a 'shared problem', it is less clear that people believe that society as a whole shares any responsibility for addressing it. Around half believe that those with serious drinking problems have only themselves to blame, although a similar proportion say they would feel some responsibility if a friend got drunk and ended up in trouble. Alcohol does still appear to be widely viewed as a social lubricant, with around 4 in 10 agreeing that it is easier to enjoy social events in general if you drink. Moreover, the decision not to drink is one which does still attract attention, with half of teetotallers saying that other people view their abstention as odd. However, there appears to be less reason for concern about how others will view the decision not to drink on individual social occasions, with only around 1 in 7 saying they would find it odd if someone who usually does drink refused a drink.

2.24 How do these views vary between different groups of people in Scotland? Given concern about consumption levels among young people, are they less likely to view alcohol as a problem for Scotland? Do attitudes towards the role of alcohol in Scottish life vary between those living in deprived and affluent areas? Are those who drink more often less likely to perceive problems with alcohol? The findings presented in this section are informed by logistic regression analysis. Logistic regression is a statistical technique used to summarise the relationship between a 'dependent' variable (for example, agreeing that 'drinking is a major part of the Scottish way of life') and one or more 'independent' explanatory variables (for example, sex, age, frequency of drinking, etc). It is particularly useful when explanatory variables are likely to be related to each other (for example, education, income and class), since it takes the relationships between these into account in determining which are statistically significant. The following discussion identifies those factors most strongly associated with agreement or disagreement with statements about the role of alcohol based on this regression analysis. Further details of these regression models are included in Annex B.

Age

2.25 Age is one of the factors most commonly associated with varying attitudes to alcohol. Older people tend to express more concern about the role alcohol plays in Scottish culture. For example, 59% of those aged 65 and over agree that 'the amount of alcohol people in Scotland drink is something we should all be ashamed of', compared with 41% of those aged 18-29. They are also more likely to view those with serious drink problems as responsible for their own situation - 65% of those aged 65 and over believe this, compared with just 38% of those aged 18-29. However, regression analysis also suggests that older people would feel more responsibility than younger people for the welfare of people they know who get drunk. 17

2.26 The youngest age group are particularly likely to see alcohol as a social lubricant, with 50% of those aged 18-29 agreeing that it's easier to enjoy social events if you have a drink, compared with 39% of the 30-39 age group. Further, younger people are more likely to think alcohol is relatively less harmful than other drugs, with 34% of 18-29 year-olds compared with 23% of those aged 65 and older choosing alcohol as the drug which causes least harm to frequent users.

Sex

2.27 Sex is particularly strongly related to attitudes to alcohol as a 'social lubricant' - 49% of men, compared with just 31% of women agree that 'it's easier to enjoy a social event if you've had a drink', while men are also slightly less likely than women to agree that it is possible to enjoy a night out at the pub without drinking (75% compared with 85%). Men are also somewhat more likely than women to think that those with serious drink problems have only themselves to blame (54% compared with 42%), and to choose alcohol as the drug which causes least harm to individual frequent users (31% compared with 22%). Women are more supportive of using price increases to encourage people to drink less - 38% of women compared with 26% of men agree with this in principle.

Education

2.28 Those with higher educational qualifications are more likely to view drinking as part of the Scottish way of life (75% of those qualified to degree or higher education level agree this is the case, compared with 55% of those with no qualifications). However, they are also more likely to view alcohol as causing problems for Scotland as a whole - alcohol tops the list of drugs seen as causing problems at the national level for 63% of graduates compared with 43% of those with no qualifications. Graduates are also more likely to say they would feel responsible if a friend got drunk and ended up in trouble (63% compared with 45% of those with no qualifications), while those with no educational qualifications are more likely than those qualified to standard grade or above to say that people with drink problems have only themselves to blame.

Income and deprivation

2.29 In comparison with differences by age and education, there are fewer clear and consistent differences in attitudes between those in more affluent and deprived groups. However, there is some evidence that those from affluent backgrounds are more likely both to see alcohol as a major part of Scottish culture, and to think that this is something we should be concerned about. More affluent groups are more likely than those on low incomes to believe that drinking is a major part of the Scottish way of life - 83% of those with household incomes of £38,000 a year or more agree that this is the case, compared with 56% of those earning under £10,000. 18 However, those on high incomes are also more likely to see alcohol as the drug that causes most problems for Scotland as a whole (66%, compared with 39% among those with incomes under £10,000). Those living in the least deprived areas of Scotland are more likely than those in the most deprived to agree that 'the amount of alcohol people in Scotland drink is something we should all be ashamed of' (58% compared with 46%).

Frequency of drinking

2.30 Some of the biggest differences in attitudes to the role of alcohol in Scottish society are, unsurprisingly, between those who drink more or less frequently. Those who drink more often are more likely to think that Scotland has a 'drinking culture', but are less likely to view this as a problem. Seventy-nine per cent of those who drink at least 5 or 6 days a week agree that drinking is a major part of the Scottish way of life (compared with 58% of those who never drink), while under half of 'frequent drinkers' think the amount people in Scotland drink is something to be ashamed of (45% compared with 57% of those who never drink - Figure 2.10). Similarly, 34% of 'frequent drinkers' believe alcohol is the drug which causes least harm to frequent users, compared with just 12% of those who do not drink. Those who drink more often are, unsurprisingly, also more likely to recognise alcohol's role as a 'social lubricant' - 62% of those who drink on 5 or 6 days a week or more often say drinking makes social events easier to enjoy, compared with just 14% of those who drink rarely (once or twice a year or less often). It is not possible to establish from this association whether drinking more often causes people to see alcohol as a social lubricant, or whether it is viewing alcohol in this light that leads people to drink more often in the first place. However, interestingly, there is also a substantial gap on this question between the views of those who drink 5 or 6 days a week or more often and those who drink 3 or 4 times a week (62% compared with 49%), which may suggest that even having 3 or 4 alcohol free days a week is associated with less attachment to alcohol as a social lubricant.

Figure 2.10 Attitudes to alcohol by frequency of drinking (%)

Figure 2.10 Attitudes to alcohol by frequency of drinking (%)

Base: All who completed a self-completion questionnaire and not don't know/refused at how frequently drink
Sample size: Every day/5/6 days = 120, 3/4 days a week = 163, 1 or 2 days a week = 395, 1 or 2 days/month/every couple of months = 343, once or twice a year or less = 136, does not drink = 143

2.31 Those who drink once or twice a week or less are significantly more supportive than those who drink at least 5 days a week of price increases to curb excessive drinking - 55% of non-drinkers agree that prices should be put up to cut drinking, compared with just 25% of 'frequent drinkers'.

Key points

  • People in Scotland appear to recognize that there is a distinctive Scottish drinking culture - 67% agree that 'drinking is a major part of the Scottish way of life.'
  • However it is less clear that people believe Scotland's drinking culture is more problematic than that in the rest of the UK. Almost half (47%) disagree that adults in other parts of the UK drink more sensibly than those in Scotland (although in 2004, 65% agreed that adults in other parts of Europe drink more sensibly).
  • Alcohol is clearly seen as something that causes problems for Scottish society. Nearly half (48%) think the amount of alcohol people drink is something everyone in Scotland should be ashamed of and 51% of people chose alcohol as the drug that causes most problems for Scotland - up from 46% in 2004.
  • However, while alcohol misuse as a whole may have an impact on wider society, where individuals develop problems with drinking many people (47%, up from 34% in 2004) believe that they have only themselves to blame.
  • That said, many people do appear to accept that they share some responsibility for the behaviour of their peers - 53% agree they would feel partly responsible if a friend they were with got drunk and ended up in trouble, although 28% disagree.
  • The public is divided over whether to increase the price of alcohol to encourage people to drink less. While a third (33%) are supportive of price increases, 46% are opposed.
  • Whilst 81% agree that you can enjoy a night out in the pub without dinking alcohol, 39% believe that it is 'easier to enjoy a social event if you've had a drink.'
  • 74% disagree that they would find it strange if someone they knew that drank refused the offer of a drink. However, 31% believe that if they decided not to drink at all a lot of people they know would find this odd, and 48% of teetotallers say that other people do indeed find their decision not to drink odd.
  • Older people are more likely than younger people to express more concern about alcohol misuse in Scotland - 59% of those aged 65 and over agreed that people in Scotland should be ashamed of their drinking, compared to 41% of 18-29 year olds.
  • Men are more likely to see alcohol as a 'social lubricant' - 49% agree that social occasions are easier when drinking, compared to 31% of women.
  • Those who drink more often themselves are more likely to think that Scotland has a drinking culture but less likely to see this as a problem.
  • Significant differences in agreement that drinking makes social events easier to enjoy between those who drink 5 or 6 times a week or daily and those who only drink 3 or 4 times a week may suggest that even 2 or 3 alcohol free days are associated with less attachment to alcohol as a 'social lubricant'.

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